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Federal Solution in South Asia, Particularly in Pakistan And Question of Baloch Nationalism in the Region

The Experiences of the Nationality Question and its Federal Solution in South Asia, Particularly in Pakistan And Question of Baloch Nationalism in the Region 1. The Question of Nationalities in South Asia: 2. The Question of Nationalities in Pakistan: 3. Baloch National Question in P.I.A (Pakistan, Iran, Afghanistan): 4. Baloch National Question in Pakistan: 5. Baloch National Question in Iran: 6. Baloch National Question in Afghanistan: 7. Viability of Baloch National state: 8. Conclusion: The Question of Nationalities in South Asia Before 18th and 19th centuries, states or territories under one administration were not delineated by nationality. It was only at the end of 18th century that, for the first time civilization was considered to be determined by nationality. In the second half of the 19th century, nationalism disintegrated supranational states of the Hapsburg and the Ottoman Empire, both of which were based upon pre-national loyalties. In twentieth century Afro-Asia, “state-nations” have emerged on the political map of the world. In the field of politics and history they are termed “non-western nations”. ‘They have arisen in traditi­onal societies and in colonial settings which lack a cohesive basis of nationalism. The map of South and Southwest Asia consists of “state-nations like India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Iran, and Afghanistan, where there are differences among the diverse linguistic, ethnic, and cultural groups. The majority of these newborn state-nations” lack cohesive bases of nationalism and face the demand of the right of self-determination among their nationalities. Emergence of territorial states has created manifolds problems. Many nationalities have been divided by artificial boundaries, Tamils between Siri lanka and India, Kashmiries between India and Pakistan, Pushtoons between Pakistan and Afghanistan, and the Baloch between Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan, Kurds between Iran, Iraq and Turkey. We must remember that the colonialists, without account of geographical, cultural, or historical factors drew the boundaries of India, Pakistan, Iran, and Afghanistan. The ‘international’ boundaries of these countries run through territories inhabited by individual peoples, dividing them into several parts. These divided nations are exerting pressure for territorial revision with the object of uniting the people of same racial, linguistic, and cultural background and creating new national states. In the sub- continent national aspirations were suppressed by merging together different national entities with no racial or cultural harmony amongst them, to create the state of Pakistan. The remaining sub-continent was put together to form the Indian union in a similar fashion. Oppressed National minorities in Pakistan are aspiring for acceptance as national entities. The state of Pakistan, claim to be a federation has yet to acknowledge these peoples as geographic, racial and cultural identities. Their homelands have been demarcated and maintained as administrative units not as an autonym’s geographical and historical entities forming the federation of Pakistan. India and Iran is pursuing the similar policies towards many nationalities with in the union. . South Asia is generally facing many acute problems. These could include: poverty, uneven development, widespread unemployment, corruption, and sectarian violence, ethnic and national conflicts. These are the problems to be exploited by political and religious leader ship in favor of their movements, by hook or crook. Much have been written and discussed about the issue of nationalities in south Asia, I have nothing to say more but hopefully some of the glimpses are enough o under stand the behavior and psyche of South Asian dominated states. India: Instead of providing of wide range of constitutional arrangements, India is one of the most vulnerable States in south Asia that is facing number of secessionist movements on the basis of culture, history, ethnicity and geography. The broken promises and loosing confidence on the federal structure, the feeling of uncomfortable is now shifted towards struggle of national right of self-determination and struggle for separate homeland. Pakistan, presently, which is not in its British design shape, is completely under control of military mafia. The Punjabi ethnic group with its civil and military bureaucracy is holding the command of state institutions. Rests of the nationalities are deprived not only in power sharing but they have been excluded from the state affairs abruptly. Presently what we are experiencing in the region and especially in Afghanistan is all because of ruling Punjabi military mafia, for their vested interests they have put bordering province of Balochistan and NWFP in the war flames, political culture, economy and societies of these areas are completely abandoned and they are compelled to follow the unjust rule of Islamabad for their very survival. The ISI and state institutions introduced Talibanization to curb and squeeze the national movements of Baloch and Pashtoon people. Bangladesh, after getting fresh breath of freedom from the centralized Punjabi state of Pakistan is experiencing a question of minorities. The constitution of independent Bangladesh does not recognize minorities as groups distinct from the Bengalis; everyone is a "Bangladeshi". The question of right of self-determination of Chittagongi people has badly effected the political position of Bangladesh. That question of Chittagongi population needs to be resolved through the mutual understanding and past agreements and experiences. Siri lanka: In Sri Lanka, constitutional denial of autonomy and political, cultural and physical repression on the non-ruling nationalities, particularly the Tamils went together and made the situation intolerable for the latter. They have no means to change the constitution. There is need to accept the reality of nationalities and their rights and must be safe guard constitutionally. Nepal’s multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, democratic, indivisible, Hindu religio-political Constitution failed to resolve the question of minorities. The absence of true democratic ideas or any arrangements of autonomy for the nationalities and regions in the state constitution made the political culture intolerable for the oppressed minorities. Partition plan of June 3rd 1947, and disintegration of so-called Islamic state of Pakistan and ongoing political crisis of India, Siri lanka, Bangladesh, and Nepal, have raised many notions and question regarding the over all security and stability of the South Asia. The experiences of federalism and constitutionalism could not achieve the broad base political results, the minorities and less populated but economically well off nationalities feeling uncomfortable in the present political practice in south Asia. The childish approaches of ruling elites of these states have put the life of billions of people and hundred of nationalities in worst situation. With out considering and practicing the following ideas the fate of south Asia could be bleak and dark. · The economical and political future of south Asia is very much linked with the question of Nationalities, with out adopting and obtaining the principle of co-existence and introducing the league or Union of South Asian Nations (broad base confederation of South Asian Nations), it could be difficult to predict a long lasting peace and prosperity in the region. · There is an urgent need of confidence building among the ruling elites and subjugated nationalities. This confidence building approach could get through the principle of compensation. · The principle of co-existence should be accepted and adopted by the ruling and dominated elites of the occupied countries. · There is need of extra constitutional and international arrangements to secure and ensure the political, economical, cultural and regional autonomy of these downtrodden nationalities. · The principle of loose but workable confederation should be introduced and adopted in the great interest of the region. The Idea of USAN (Union of South Asian Nations) could be consider. · All nationalities should be allowed to govern by their own people with in their political, cultural, historical and geographical identity. The Question of Nationalities in Pakistan and its Federal Solution: The ruling elite in Pakistan soon after independence began to centralize power in their own hands to the complete exclusion of the smaller nationalities. They treated the national state as the focal point of identity, denying the rights of the subject nationalities. The main issue in Pakistani politics was building and sustaining an integrated national consciousness. When Pakistan was established, it apparently needed some theoretical base for its continued existence and to give people some cordial point to ponder over as the basis for their new political reality. Pakistan’s ideology and two-nation theory was the slogan, which they raised in order to consolidate their own position on the one hand and to create an atmosphere of hatred and mistrust between India and Pakistan on the other. The immigrant ruling elite of Pakistan from the day once started to legitimize his rule over the diverse and historically mature nationalities on the basis of theoretical notions. A particular group of Pakistani leaders and intelligentsia are very quick in picking up ideas and islamising them in their attempt to hoodwink the people. Surprisingly, any thing, which appeals to the people, is immediately attached to Islam and Pakistan. Islamic socialism, Islamic democracy, Islamic martial law, Islamic referendum, Islamic nationalism and even Islamic bomb, are usually referred to with few if any qualms with the objective of making Islam more plausible as a political dogma to the recalcitrant masses. Indeed, in 1971, that is twenty-four years after the creation of Pakistan,’ the eastern wing of the country, with 55 per cent of its population, seceded to become the independent nation of Bangladesh. The specter of secession and fragmentation has never ceased to haunt Pakistan’s rulers, its intelligentsia, and sections of the masses. The state and its ideologues have steadfastly refused to recognize the fact that these regions are not merely chunks of territory with different names but areas which were historically inhabited by peoples who had different languages and cultures, and even -states of their own. This official and intellectual denial has, no doubt, contributed to the progressive deterioration in inter-group relations, weakened society’s cohesiveness, and undermined the state’s capacity to forge security and sustain development. The country’s intelligentsia has never played an appreciable role, but only magnified the growing confusion. The ruling civil-military aristocracy has been consistent in its refusal to recognize the multi-national character of the country, but rather stress the unity and integrity of the country on the basis of its Islamic character. In 1978 the law minister of Zia-ul-Haq military regime Mr. A.K.Brohi launched a blistering attack on nationalist politicians. The mental and political approach of state and Pakistani intelligentsia towards the question of nationalities could be analyses through the article of Mr. Brohi contributed in DAWN in October 1978. He wrote, “Pakistan is a successor state to British India, which had a unitary, rather than a federal form of Government First there was a Center, which extended to peripheral parts (now forming Pakistan) and it was this Center, which delegated powers to the provinces for the sake of administrative convenience. Thus, when Pakistan was founded, it retained its unitary character. Subsequent federalization was merely a result of Center’s progressive decentralization rather than a product of voluntary surrendering of partial sovereignty by the constituent parts of Pakistan. Furthermore, Pakistan founded on the basis of ‘religion and religion alone. It can be kept together only by the cementing force of Ikhwan There are no nationalities in Pakistan or, for that matter, anywhere else; and the idea of nationalities is subversive.” Every attempt by the Pakistani rulers towards a uniformity based on an Islamic state was severely rejected by the nationalities, which wanted diversity of culture within a federal framework. The reason behind the denial and not accepting the question of nationalities and multi-nation structure of Pakistan is threat of disintegration or centrifugals on account of its multi­-national character. Mr. Brohi goes on to amplify this point and asserts that if there is a multinational state, the ‘cultural nations’ within it would try to exercise their right to self-determination and become independent political states in order to make the fact conform to the ideal. The acceptance of question of nationalities in a multi-national state dose not means to disintegrate the state structure, which is truly and purely formed and run by the number of nationalities. There are several pluralistic states in which nationalities and communities possessing nation-like characteristics but not having their separate states. The classic example of an adequately functioning multinational state is Switzerland where German, French and Italian nationalities enjoy the rights of nationalities within a single state and without the desire to form nation-states. Afghanistan also admits the existence of several nationalities within its state borders. Even country like Ethiopia in its constitution accepts the question of nationalities and their national right of self-determination. None of the states mentioned above is faced with a threat of disintegration or centrifugals on account of its multi­-national character. That is the existence of the multinational states in which participating” nationalities are accorded autonomy and complete equality in economic, political and cultural affairs. Strange as it may seem, the use of the term nationality has come to denote the preclusion of the right to self­-determination. Thus, when rights of a historical community or ethnic group are demanded on the basis of ‘nationality,’ it more or less means all the rights, except the right to self­-determination. It may also be added here that even when the right to self-determination is demanded, it does not automatically mean the desire to secede. It may only mean the obtaining of guarantee against national oppression and exploitation. Despite its cultural and linguistic heterogeneity and the professed political aim to set up a federal structure in the country, all powers are concentrated in the center with a unitary authoritarianism. Public representation in the government was never allowed; the role of political parties was minimized. The government controlled all the democratic institutions and opinion-forming organizations such as press and mass-communications media. The constitutions were manipulated and re-written at will. In such political indecency and intellectual stagnation, the country steadily drifted towards political instability The Baloch, Pashtoon and the Sindhis - feel that they are living under the oppression of an establishment dominated by the Punjabis. They feel that the Punjabis, who dominate the Army and the Bureaucracy, has been denying them their due rights. The present style and ongoing policies of Islamabad towards the oppressed and subjugated nationalities of Pakistan will lead to another savior phase of instability with in the country. Baloch, Sindhi, Pashtoon and Siraiki people are demanding for the re-writing of constitution on the basis of equality and social justice. Demand for rewriting of Constitution: The centralized nature of government of India act of 1935 provided an opportunity to the ruling elite of Pakistan to impose their unjust and unfair policies on the smaller nationalities. Mohammed Ali Jinnah himself wanted to become the powerful governor general (G.G) and not merely a nominal head of the state. So, he became the G.G, the president of the Constitutional Assembly and the president of Muslim League— all three in one. To acquire power and authority for the G.G, the Act of 1935 was amended, and by virtue of it, he first dissolved the assembly of NWFP and later dismissed the chief minister of Sindh. The whole structure was changed again after his death to suit the new ruling elite. Nazimuddin as a G.G became the nominal head of the state and Liaqat Ali Khan, as prime minister assumed executive powers. All the three constitutions of Pakistan failed to safe guard the true autonomy and political rights of nationalities, even these three constitutions failed to check the military interventions in 1958,1969,1977, and 1998. As a result of military coups, two constitutions were abrogated and the third one was mutilated by Zia and put in abeyance by Musharraf. In all the cases of military interventions, the judiciary, which is mainly controlled by the Punjabi ethnic group humbly, justified the legality of the Punjabi dominated military governments on the basis of Doctrine of Necessity. The Supreme Court in these words legalized Zia’s coup: "Extra-constitutional step taken by the armed forces of Pakistan was justified by requirements of state necessity and welfare of the people." Former East Pakistan, presently Bangladesh took the geographical advantage and succeeds to get rid of unjust rule of Punjabi civil and military bureaucracy. Rest of nationalities like Baloch, Sindhi, Pashtoon and Siraiki except Punjabis are presently trying to convince the ruling civil and military mafia of Pakistan to accept the right of nationalities and introduce a new social contract. Pakistan Oppressed Nation Movement (PONM), since 1998 started a broad base political and democratic campaign to convince the civil and military mafia of Punjab to rewrite the constitution of Pakistan on the wishes and will of all nationalities to promote equality and social and political justice in the country. PONM, its Allies and MQM demanded that a new liberal and democratic constitution based on the equality of nations be formulated according to the spirit of the 1940 Lahore Resolution to safeguard the very basic rights of nationalities. Demanded autonomy for all the provinces. "Under this constitution all provinces shall have total autonomy. All present functions of the federation with exception of defense, foreign affairs and currency shall be transferred to the provinces. Federal interference in matters of provincial rights and authorities shall end. This constitution shall also provide a foolproof guarantee to safeguard rights and authorities of provinces. Composition of the Pakistan Army should be recomposed, having equal representation of nations from all provinces so that it can effectively and practically be presented as the national army of Pakistan. Army should not be allowed to run the affairs of the country. They are responsible only to defend the geographical boundaries of the state,” The right to govern will be through a parliament composed of equality of nations, and directly elected by the people and accountable to them. All institutions will be free to act within their own sphere of influence. However, the military, including all its related institutions, shall be subservient to the elected parliament, so that Pakistan can become a true democratic and federally accepted state for the oppressed nationalities. With out accepting and realizing the natural composition of Pakistan and taking in to count to the following above mentioned points, it seems difficult to predict the very survival and existence of Pakistan in near future. The future constitution must and should be based on the following lines. · Pakistan is a multi-national, multi-cultural, and multi­-lingual state. All nationalities, ethnic groups should have equal rights and an equal opportunity to advance. All languages and cultures should be declared and promoted as national languages and Urdu and English promoted as a medium of communication among the nationalities, and there should be mutual respect and tolerance for all languages. Suppression of diversity in the name of national unity, or on any other pretext, is not only tantamount to violation of human rights, but is counter-productive to the aims of suppression. The right of self-determination of all nationalities must be accepted. The question of re-demarcation of national units must be accepted and all the nationalities should be allowed to form their own national unit on the basis of geography, history, ethnicity, and culture. Baloch National Question in P.I.A (Pakistan, Iran, Afghanistan): Baloch nationalism, since its birth, has faced the problem of international frontiers, which divide the Baloch among three countries. The deep-seated Baloch nationalism based on tribal identity had international as well as domestic aspects. Divided in the nineteenth century among Iran, Afghanistan, and British India, the Baloch found their aspirations and traditional nomadic life frustrated by the presence of national boundaries and the extension of central administration over their lands. Since the birth of Baloch nationalism Baloch masses resisted against the unjust decision and still they are not ready to accept the colonial decision of British Empire. As Afghanistan is not recognizing the Durand Line as international frontier, and Pakistan is not accepting line-dividing Kashmir as international boundary and regard it as control line, on the same line Baloch nationalist forces are not ready to accept the unnatural division of Baloch land and demarcation of these boundaries as international frontiers. Balochistan, which is presently divided politically between Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan, is, physically a compact unit. This superimposed division, in turn, has provoked the rise of Baloch nationalism and the Balochi sense of irredentism, thus bringing them in to conflict with their respective states, which are intent on preserving the status quo, inherited from the big powers.  Map of divide Balochistan The total area of Greater Balochistan is approximately 340,000. Sq. miles, Out of this total area about two hundred eighty thousand (280,000) sq. km. is occupied by Iran, 350,000 sq. km. (Including the Baloch populated districts of Sindh and Punjab) by Pakistan and some sixty thousand sq. km. (6,0000) area was given by the British imperialists to Afghanistan under the Anglo-Afghan boundary commission decision in 1896. Despite the size of its territory and relatively large population (currently between 12 to 15 million), the Baloch do not enjoy even limited political and cultural autonomy. They are sidelined and marginalized in policy and practice by the occupant governments. The governments of Iran and Pakistan have always viewed the Baloch quest for self-rule as a threat to their territorial integrity and, therefore have joined forces to deal with the issue. In 1957, they assisted each other on a bilateral basis to suppress Dad Shah’s revolt in Iran, and they intensified their relation to curb the Balochistan Liberation Front in Iran in 1968. Till 1973-77 the government of Iran was fully backing the aggression of Pakistan Army against the Baloch political movement. In April 1973 prime minister of Pakistan Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto met with the Shah of Iran in Tehran and received $200 million in emergency military and financial assistance, again in mid 1974, Iran dispatched thirty US-supplied Huey cobra helicopters, manned mostly by Iranian pilots to help the military aggression of Pakistan against the innocent Baloch people. These governments have done their best to ensure the Balochi culture and language does not develop. For example, in the whole of Iran there is not a single academic institution where Balochi can be studied. In Pakistan, Balochistan is geographically the largest province, however it is the most deprived and the least developed province. The illiteracy rate is catastrophically high and there is no infrastructure. The continued repression of the cultural, social, economic and political rights of the Baloch in each of these three countries will only contribute to the instability of the region, as frustration over unemployment, corruption, drugs, and the denial of basic rights creates tension and fuels conflict. The Baloch in their struggle neglected by the rest of the world and not seeking something extraordinary, they are simply seeking that which so many others have - the right to determine their own destiny, to be able to speak their own language, be educated in that language, develop their political and economical institutions and freely promote there cultural activities, and above all, to live peacefully with those with whom they share their land. Baloch National Question in Pakistan: The founder of Pakistan Mr. Mohammed Ali Jinnah who was a legal advisor to the Khan of Kalat ruler of Balochistan, from 1936-1947, supported an independent Balochistan. On 11th august 1947 a bilateral agreement signed between the government of Pakistan and Balochistan, in a meeting presided by the Crown representative and attended by the Khan of Kalat and Mohammed Ali Jinnah. By the communiqué the political status of Balochistan was recognized by the Pakistan as an independent and sovereign sate in the following words. 1. The government of Pakistan recognizes kalat an independent sovereign state; in treaty relation with the British government, with a status different from that of Indian States. On 29th June 1947, tribal areas of Balochistan forcibly, unfairly and illegally merged with Pakistan through a fake referendum. However, the Baloch chiefs of tribal areas made a written representation to the British government about their decision to join the Balochistan (Khanate). In September 1947, Pakistan changed its policies and demanded accession of Balochistan. Baloch Parliament and Accession with Pakistan: On December 12, 1947, a session of the “Lower House” (Darul Awam) was summoned by the Khan to discuss the matter of accession. The leader of the House, Mr. Ghaus Bux Bizenjo criticized the unfriendly attitude of the Government of Pakistan and warned that the Baloch would not tolerate any insult and humiliation and would scarify their lives for their national independence. The House after long debate adopted the following resolution unanimously on December 14, 1947: “Relations with Pakistan should be established as between two sovereign states through a treaty based upon friendship and not by accession.” On January 4, 1948, the House of Lord (Darul Umera) met to discuss the matter of accession. The upper house hailed the decision of lower house. Forced Accession of Balochistan in to Pakistan: On 12th and 13th of February 1948, Jinnah met Khan of Kalat in Sibi, the ancient city of Baloch Confederacy, but Khan of Kalat refused to sign the instrument of accession with Pakistan as per decision of Baloch parliament. After the refusal of Khan of Kalat and decision of Baloch Parliament, government of Pakistan co-opted the feudatory chiefs of Kharran, Lasbela and Makuran to accede their sub-states with Pakistan. On 18th march, the Pakistan Ministry of foreign affairs issued a press statement, announcing that Pakistan had accepted the accession of Makuran, Kharran, and Lasbela. It is intrusting to note that the Nawab Bai Khan Chief of Makuran tabled the resolution, which was moved in House of Lord against the accession with Pakistan. On 27th March 1948 at Karachi, Khan of Kalat was forced to sign the instrument of accession with Pakistan. It is also intrusting to note and understand that all these unwilling merger agreements were signed in the dark nights, and even not a single ceremony was arranged and made to celebrate the merger of Balochistan in to Pakistan. Because government of Pakistan and its officials were very much clear that the, people of Balochistan will not allow Khan and the rulers of Kharran, Mekran and Las Bella to accede with Pakistan at any cost. The Khan also warned the Pakistan government and Jinnah from betraying him and the Baloch nation. He said if kalat is to be forced in to accession, this accession would not be voluntary one.” Pakistan’s assault on Baloch freedom and its commitment to a monolithic Pakistani nationalism constitute a frontal challenge to Baloch values. The result is a simmering guerilla struggle that has flared up with progressively increasing intensity in 1948, 1958, 1962, 1973-77 and till today Baloch masses are struggling against the forced and unwilling merger of Balochistan in to Pakistan. Baloch National Resistance against Accession: The forced incorporation of Balochistan in to Pakistan came as a traumatic blow to nationalist leaders who had campaigned clandestinely for an independent Balochistan during the British imperialism. The forced accession of the Khanate (Balochistan) resulted in anti Pakistan rallies and meetings through out Balochistan. After getting complete control over Balochistan on 15th April 1948, Pakistan suddenly reversed all soci-economic and political reforms, which were introduced and adopted by the Baloch parliament. Prince Abdul Karim Khan, the younger brother of Khan and Governor of Mekran State decided to lead the national liberation movement. He moved to Afghanistan in order to get help and to organize the liberation movement. He wrote a letter to Khan of kalat and justified his act in following words; “the real cause of this high-handedness and unlawful actions of the Pakistan. Both the Upper and Lower Houses gave their unanimous verdict against accession, and were prepared to fight to the last for maintaining complete freedom. Your Highness has also expressed similar sentiments at numerous occasions through oral as well as written statements”…your Highness is still under the delusion that the founder of Pakistan is still friend of yours, and wishes to see the Baloch nation happy and flourishing in the world…’’ I therefore request that there is no use in keeping false hopes, which will only mean trying a person, who has already been tried and failed. From whatever angle we look the present government of Pakistan; we will see nothing but Punjabi Fascism. The people have no say in it. It is the army and arms that rule. There is no morality and justice. Selfishness and repression prevail with out exaggeration; it is an immoral military government, far worse then British Raj. There is no place for any other community and nationality in this government, be it the Baloch, the Sindhis, the Afghans or the Bengalis, unless they make themselves equally powerful. The prince Karim and his team tried their best to convince the international community to understand the complexity and question of Balochistan sovereignty, but they failed to get the support of Afghanistan, Iran, USSR, and India. Khan of Kalat was forced by Pakistan to convince Prince Karim to back to Balochistan. Prince Abdul Karim made his return conditional: The Baloch are a separate nation like Afghans, having their own culture and language, a fact, which is supported by history and geography. They shall have to right to live as a free and independent nation. 1. Kalat is the ancient center of the Baloch; if those territories, which have been demarcated from the Khanate of Balochistan and are now under Pakistan rule, wish to rejoin it, Pakistan must not object it. 2. Kalat must maintain its sovereignty when it enters in to a treaty relationship with Pakistan. Government of Pakistan and prime minister of Kalat agreed to the some of the prince’s demand and assured him that the Pakistan is ready to continue negotiation on the above-mentioned agenda and points. However, the agreement was dishonored when the Pakistan army ambushed the Prince and his 142 followers. 1958’s revolt: Nationalist sentiments grew rapidly among the Baloch in response to the aggressive centralizing policies pursued by Pakistani leaders. The Punjabi ruling class, who controlled and still control the military and bureaucratic power structure of the central government, feared that, the three minority provinces or nationalities in the western wing would combine with the Bengalis against them. They decided to consolidate the western wing in to a single, unified province that would balance Bengali strength in a projected national governmental structure based on the concept of parity between the tow wings. In 1955 the plan of “One Unit” forcibly imposed on the nationalities of western wing. Baloch leaders immediately reacted against this unjust and unnatural formation of One Unit. In 1955 Prince Abdul Karim, who had completed his prison term, formed the “Ustomhan Gal” (Peoples Party), which opposed the One Unit and demanded the formation of a unified Balochistan Province. The Ruler of Kalat also mobilized wide spread demonstrations against the One Unit. Against a back ground of growing restless in Balochistan, the Pakistan Army moved in to Kalat on October 6, 1958, one day before Martial Law was declared through out Pakistan, setting the stage for the establishment of Ayub Khan’s military regime. The army arrested the Khan in his palace commandeered his ancestral valuable, roughed up civilians who demonstrated in his favor, and detained fifty of his retainers as well as 300 Baloch political leaders in other towns. The Khan’s arrest, climaxing a decade of steadily accumulating tensions, touched off a chain reaction of violence and counter-violence that has continued in Balochistan to the present day. Ninety-year-old Nawab Nauroz Khan emerged as a leader of guerrilla force numbering more then 1,000 men. Nauroz Khan fought the Pakistan army for nearly a year. The government responded by bombarding the villages and sustaining a reign of terror in the entire area. Once again, as in the case of Prince Abdul Karim in 1948, the Army representative sanctified their safe conduct and amnesty pledge with an oath on the Holy Book “Koran” and once again they dishonored the pledge. Nauroz Khan and his followers were arrested, and his son and five other freedom fighters were hanged on treason charges in July 1960. 1960’s Resistance: The execution of Baloch freedom fighters proved a mile stone for the Baloch nationalists and political activists. After 1960 the guerrilla activities increased in the Balochistan. The fighters had established a score of training camps. The fighting in Balochistan continued sporadically until 1970. After that, Yahya Khan agrees to cease-fire by ordering the withdrawal of the One Unit Plan and announced the formation of province of Balochistan on July 1, 1971. Defense of Balochistan 1973-77: After the East Pakistan debacle, and gaining power in remaining Pakistan Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto refused to accept the election results of Balochistan and NWFP provinces, where PPP (Pakistan Peoples Party) defeated abruptly by the National Awami Party, leading by the minority provinces. Unwillingly Mr. Bhutto and Punjabi Military regime allowed NAP to form government in Balochistan. In the result Sardar Attah ullah Khan Mengal elected Chief Minister and Mir Ghaus Bux Bizenjo appointed as governor. NAP was a symbolic party of oppressed nationalities; aims and objectives of Party appeal most of the people in Balochistan and NWFP. The party constitution visualized the break-up of One Unit and the constitution of a zonal federation instead of federating units. Party also demanded creation of new provinces on the basis of geography, linguistic and culture. Language question also rose in the constitution and demanded that the language of each province should be given the status of national language. The demand of Uni-cameral legislature with one House and equal representation of each province was also demanded. The party’s constitutional framework conceded only three subjects to the center. The NAP has been insisting on the existence of separate nationalities in Pakistan, more often the Baloch leaders have advocated about the right of self-determination of nationalities. The military and so-called democratic Punjabi regime was not ready to listen any thing against their so-called two-nation theory; they regarded NAP as remnants of Indian Congress and anti Pakistan party. Balochistan’s first representative provincial government was brought to an early end in February 1973 just after nine months. Dismissal of NAP government in Balochistan and resignation of JUI’s government in NWFP precipitated a serious political crisis, which among other things brought influential sections of Balochis to the conclusion that it was futile to seek redress within the framework of Pakistan. An arm instruction took place in Balochistan from 1973 to 1977, and military was used to brutally suppress it. The events leading up to the 1973-1977 insurgency greatly intensified the mutual distrust between the Baloch and Pakistan, which had been deepening since 1947. To the Baloch dismissal of their elected government and arrest of their national leaders regarded as a deliberate insult of Baloch nation. The “Rawaj” the traditional code of honor, requires the Baloch to fight, to defend his country and national honor. In early April 1973, less then six weeks after the ouster of the provincial government, Baloch resistance forces decided to defend their home land and keep Punjabi Army away from Baloch soil, they ambush army convoys, cut of most of the main roads linking Balochistan with surrounding provinces, disrupt rail links and blocked coal shipment to the Punjab. Initially Pakistan responded with traditional helicopters fitting them with guns for combat use. But after heavy loses both Pakistan and Iranian government decided to coordinate with each other to crush the Baloch movement. Bhutto moved to Teheran, where he announced after a meeting with the shah of Iran that Iran would provide $200 million in emergency military and financial aid. In mid 1974,Iran sent thirty U.S-supplied Huey Cobra helicopters, manned by Iranian pilots. The turning point in the war came in a brutal six-day battle at Chamalang valley, which is one of the richest grazing areas in Balochistan, in the Marri region. In 1974 most of the Marri nomad families streamed down from the mountains with their flocks. The Army decided to take advantage of this concentration of Marri families as a mean of luring the guerrillas down from the hills. The Pakistan Army launched operation Chamalang on September 3, 1974, using a combined assault by ground and air force. In this brutal expedition army killed more then 1,500 innocent Baloch women, children and aged men’s, which were failed to get refuge in mountains. Pakistan air force used its most sophisticated F-86 and Mirage fighter planes and Huey Cobras in this operation. At least 50,000 sheep and 600 camels were looted by the Punjabi Army and auctioned off at bargain prices to non-Baloch in Punjab. During period of 1973 to 1975 more then 180 major encounters recorded between Baloch guerillas and Pakistan Army. Baloch people sacrifice more then 50,00 and Pakistan also lost 30,00 mercenaries in this expedition which was purely imposed from federal government of Pakistan to show off its muscles after naked retreat of Bangladesh. Till 1978 more then 6,000 Baloch politicians, activist, Human right activists and students were behind the bar, where numerous instances of torture were occurred. 21st century, Emergence of Balochistan Liberation Army: With the dawn of new millennium, the underground and scattered forces of Baloch cause took a fresh initiative and emerged with the name of BLA. Balochistan Liberation Army, which claims responsibility for blasts and recent Rocket raining on Quetta Cantonment and very sensitive targets in Balochistan. It is noteworthy that except the landmine incidents, almost all the rocket attacks and bomb explosions occurred close to the vital government buildings viz, the offices of the Balochistan Chief Secretary, Home Secretary, Commissioner Quetta, the residence of IG Police, besides railway and police stations. It is believed that the rockets were fired from Koh-e-Murdar -- outskirts of Quetta in the east. Somme of the rockets landed at the roof of the Command and Staff College in Quetta Cantt. This fresh and modern way of resistance and form of agitation is continuously growing in Balochistan. Chinese-Punjabi Collaboration and Baloch Resources: China’s growing interest in Balochistan has raised many eyebrows and created suspicions regarding political and economic motives in developing Gwadar seaport and engaging itself in oil and gas exploration with the collaboration of Punjab. Baloch people have serious and series of grievances regarding the exploitative attitude of Islamabd. Certain section of Baloch opinion is against exploring their wealth, which they claim, would be used for the benefit of Punjab and others. They blame the government for looting these resources mercilessly without giving any benefit to the people. Just before Mr.Zhu's visit to Balochistan to sign the Gwadar deep sea port and seven other so-called projects, one person was killed and three others, including a Chinese engineer, were injured seriously when the survey team of a Chinese company was attacked in the Sunny area of Sibi district, 160 km northeast of Quetta in Balochistan, on May 7. Militants of the Balochistan Peoples Liberation Front (BPLF) fired rockets at the vehicle of the survey team, reportedly as a warning to the Chinese not to help the Musharraf regime until the demands of the Balochis were met. BPLF cadres again struck after Mr.Zhu’s departure when major parts of Balochistan, including Quetta, went without natural gas for more than 24hours on May 19 following a blast in the main Sui Southern Gas pipeline the previous night. For more details; Please Visit:\Law_order_satution_in_Balochistan.htm During these all activities, signing MOU’s, agreements and inviting foreign companies to Balochistan, not a single Baloch politician, intellectual and nationalist leader has been consulted. Baloch inelegancies have serious reservations over the Islamabad’s unilateral decision regarding the sale out and leasing the Baloch coast and Baloch resources to the socialist Beijing. Recently in Islamabd on May 30, the trilateral agreement of gas pipeline has been signed, between Afghanistan, Pakistan and Uzbekistan, with out involving the Baloch population of Afghanistan and Pakistan it seems difficult for both countries to securely manage this 1500 km oil and gas pipeline. In future all socio-economical activities will go through the Baloch region from Gwadar (Balochistan) to Heart (Afghanistan) about 1000 km area is completely dominated by the Baloch tribes. During these all economical activities not a single Baloch from any side was invited and consulted, this negligence and ignorance could increase the sense of oppression and deprivation among the Baloch masses of the region, and could compel the Baloch nationalist to reconsider their political relation with the regional countries. Baloch National Question in Iran: Highly centralized and Persian-dominated state of Iran deliberately discounted the diverse ethno-linguistic and multi-national reality of the country. The non-Persian national groups or nationalities were not recognized and, as such, accorded no national rights such as political, cultural and administrative autonomy. In the absence of constitutional guarantees for, and recognition of the national rights of the non-Persian nationalities, the government attempted to translate its nation-building campaign in to set of integrationist policies and practices aimed at their economic their economic integration and socio-cultural assimilation in to the Persian dominated state structure. In terms of non-Persian languages and culture, the government’s policies went beyond integration and took more or less an assimilationist or Persianization line. The use of those languages was strictly prohibited for literary purpose as well as for official use in their respective homeland. Thus, government of Iran relations and policies towards the Baloch were in no way distinct or different from those pursued towards other oppressed non-Persian nationalities. The policy of dividing and assigning large portions of western Balochistan in to the adjoining Persian-speaking provinces appears to have been intended to speed up the process of its consolidation under the Iranian civil and military machinery. As a result of revision of the provincial administration in 1958-59, western Balochistan was administratively divided in to three major and separate parts. The northern part was included in the neighboring Persian-speaking province of Kerman. The western part was included in the coastal province which presently known as the province of Hurmuzgan. The third and the largest part constitute the province of “Seistan and Balochistan”. It covers 181, 578 sq km., which is the second largest province after Khorasan. All three parts of Balochistan combined cover around 280,000 sq km., which is the second largest ethnic region after the Persian-speaking area. Before 1809 western Balochistan was under control of Khan of Kalat, but several Baloch tribes revolted against the confederation and formed their own semi-independent state. In 1871, with the help of Britain, Iran managed to divide Balochistan. According to M.G. Pikulin a Russian scholar who studied case of western Balochistan, the Baloch tribes revolted against the unnatural division and occupation by Iran. In 1897, the Baloch rose against Iranian rule in Sarhad, Sara wan, and Bampur under the leader ship of the chief of the Naroi tribe, Hussain Khan. The Baloch like the Arabs of Khuzistan, were independent at the time of the constitutional revolution of 1906, and they did not play any role in that event. During the First World War, the British occupied Western Balochistan. In 1915 the leaders of the resistance movement were arrested by the British and sent to India. In 1916, mass anti-British demonstrations took place among the Baloch tribes. In spite of defeats, the resistance lasted until 1924, when joint British-Iranian forces put it down. In 1925, Raza Khan became Raza Shah of Iran. He adopted a policy to crush the sub-nationalism in Iran. The Baloch Chieftains and especially Mir Dost Mohammed Khan, who declared him “Shah-I-Balochistan”, were informed that they would no longer be treated as independent ruler and that they were to surrender to Iran’s rile. The natural result was a Perso-Baloch war, led by Dost Mohammed Khan Baranzai. In 1928 when Iran succeeded to suppress the Azri Turks and Kurds, rush to Balochistan with artillery and aero planes. Dost Mohammed was defeated and executed by the Iranian Government. The disarming of the Baloch began. Until 1935, there was some continued resistance in Sarhad and Seistan. Tehran had to depend primarily on the use of overt military forces to keep the Baloch territory under control. In addition to using military power, however Teheran enforced its authority by buying off some of the tribal chieftains and using them as middlemen. The emergence of Baloch national movement in Eastern Balochistan during the partition, fearful the Iranian regime that the Baloch in Iran would be infected by the movement of “Great Balochistan”. The Iranian regime under the Shah rule pursued a ruthless, hard line policy towards the Baloch designed to stifle any expression of Baloch identity. Sharply limiting education in the Baloch area, there was a complete ban on the use of Balochi language. Government compelled Baloch students to use history textbooks in which the Baloch were described as Persian in ethnic origin and prohibited the use of Balochi in government offices. They made it a criminal offence to publish, distribute or even possess Balochi language magazine, and newspapers. One of the most bitterly resented aspects of the Teheran repressive approach to the Baloch was, ban on the wearing of traditional Baloch attire in schools and other public places. The policy of political smothering and dividing the Baloch in to the Persian-speaking provinces compelled more then 150,000 Baloch to leave their ancestral land where they were treated as virtual aliens to migrate to the Arab Sheikdoms across the Persian Gulf. The Iranian regime was not only suppressing the western Baloch population, but also forcing and helping the Pakistani authorities to curb the issue of Baloch autonomy. in a public declaration during Bhutto’s visit to Tehran in id 1974, when Baloch people were defending themselves against the Pakistan Army aggression, Shah declared that, …..What happens in Pakistan, “is vitally important to us…we will not close our eyes to any secessionist movement –God forbid-in your country.” Baloch National Resistance in Iran: The chief of a branch of Mubaraki tribe, Mir Dad Shah became the first resistance leader of Iranian Baloch movement. He was one of the more daring opponents of Persian rule in the inaccessible Southeastern corner of Iranian Balochistan. Dad Shah started his exploits as early as 1944, harassing Iranian police and army. On March 24, 1957, Dad Shah and a band of some twenty-four men waylaid and killed an American military aid official and his wife, Kevin and Anita Carroll, and an American contractor Brewster Wilson, who were driving by jeep with tow Iranians to the port city of ChahBahar. Suggesting that, Carroll and Wilson wanted to size up ChahBahar as a potential military base. In an effort to quiet the uproar, Prime Minister Hussain Allah resigned. The Shah put a price of $ 10,000 on the head of each member of the Dad Shah gang, dead or alive, and the Pakistan army and police joined the manhunt. Dad Shah and his men actively attempted to engage the Shah’s forces in combat by staging frequent ambush and that they fought at least three pitched gun battles with Iranian contingents. When they were finally cornered, Dad Shah died in battle, refusing to surrender. In 1957, Pakistan army and police forces captured Dad shah’s brother, Ahmed Shah and extradited him to Iran, even though no such treaty existed between the two countries. Dad Shah and his brother case marked the first time that a Baloch leader had attempted to rally nationalist sentiment in both Pakistan and Iran around an issue of common concern under the banner of Greater Balochistan. In 1964 exiled Iranian Baloch leaders launched an organization known as the “Balochistan Liberation Front”. Initially the only open Arab support that BLF received was from Iraq and Yasser Arafat’s wing of PLO. Which made a BLF leader Mr. Jummah Khan a member of its central advisory committee. The BLF leader Jummah Khan declared his policy towards Baloch autonomy, stated that, the only way of librating Balochistan is through the armed struggle of the masses” and rejecting the idea of compromise and political solutions, he said, we do not believe in the so-called stage-by-stage pursuit of independence, i.e. first to struggle for linguistic, cultural and political rights as a part of Iran, and then afterward, to struggle for independence. Syria and Egypt gave quasi-diplomatic status during 1965 and 1966 as the representative of provisional Balochistan government in exile to the BLF leaders. Unlike the other Arab States, Iraq had compelling reasons to give priority to its support for the Baloch cause. Iraqi leaders saw the Baloch, as natural allies in their conflict with Tehran. The Iraqi Baathist regime subsidized Jummah Khan, Mir Abdi Khan, and other leaders linked with the Front for the five years, and Baghdad became the headquarters for intensified radio broadcastings and insurgent activity in Iranian Balochistan. In March 1975, Baghdad and Tehran signed a peace agreement in which Iran promised to stop its support of the Kurds in exchange for Iraq’s termination of its help to the Baloch and the Khuzistan Arabs. The BLF had a lasting impact on Iranian Baloch attitude. In December 1978, the prospect of a Tehran regime dominated by Shiite Clerics galvanized the Baloch Sunni Clerics in to unprecedented political activity. Many Baloch who belong to the orthodox Sunni sect of Islam, had turned to their Sunni faith to reinforce their sense of Baloch identity. The religious revolution of Iran proved to turn the secular and political Baloch movement on the religious lines. In the early draft of proposed constitution, Shiite made the state religion under Article 13. In Article 15 the study of Persian as the official language and its exclusive use as a medium of instruction made compulsory. This Article prohibited both the teaching of Balochi as a second language and its use in textbooks. When a national referendum on the controversial constitution was held in early December 200 Baloch protesters belonging to BPDO (Balochistan People’s Democratic Organization), set fire to the ballot boxes in Iranshahr, stormed Governor-General Palace and abducted and held him prisoner for three days. During the Taliban regime in Afghanistan some of Islamic Baloch militants were busy in training and preparing to start guerrilla warfare against Shiite regime of Tehran and establishing Sunni State of Balochistan. Baloch National Question in Afghanistan: Like Iran and Pakistan, Afghanistan is a multinational state comprised of Pashtoon, Tajiks, Hazaras, Turkmen, Uzbek, Baloch and several other nationalities or ethnic groups. The Baloch population in Afghanistan is mainly concentrated in the southwestern part of the country adjoining to Iranian and Pakistani Balochistan. In contrast to Iran and Pakistan, Afghanistan has maintained close links with its Balochi population through lending varying degree of political and moral support to the Baloch nationalists, particularly in Pakistan. During the reign of Mohammed Zhair Shah, Afghanistan actively supported the Baloch and Pashtoon opposition to the imposition of the one Unit plan in West Pakistan. During the Baloch insurgency against the Bhutto regime in 1973-77 periods, president Mohammed Daud categorically supported the Baloch resistance movement. the 1978 overthrow of the Daud regime by the pro--soviet Marxist regime did not effect the Kabul's basic policy towards the Baloch nationalists. Daud gave high priority to the issue of Balochistan and Pushtoonistan in Afghanistan's foreign policy as reflected in the numerous efforts to raise the question at international forums. In 1973, the afghan ambassador to the UN in a speech before the general assembly, referred to Balochistan and Pushtoonistan as "usurped land". Daud himself also raise ed the issue at the 1973 Algiers meeting of Non-Aligned Nation and the Islamic Summit conference held in Lahore, Pakistan, in February 1974. After Raza Shah's effort to ease the tension between Pakistan and Afghanistan, Bhutto agreed to visit Kabul, Bhutto paid his first visit to Kabul in early June 1976 and, in turn received Daud in Islamabad in August. During Daud’s visit with Bhutto in Islamabd, both sides reportedly reached a far-reaching agreement, where by Pakistan agreed to grant provincial autonomy to the Balochistan and NWFP in exchange recognition of Durand line as a permanent border by Afghanistan. Till the Pakistani backed Taliban, Baloch nationalist forces were enjoying political moral and traditional support of Afghanistan. But the Pakistani backed Taliban regime withdrew all political and regional subsidies. Taliban regime shut down the Balochi radio service from Kabul radio and closed all Baloch refugee camps of Helmand and Khandar. Afghan government never pursues the Iranian and Pakistani policy to assimilate Baloch population in to the Pushtoon or Persian nationalities nor declare the Baloch as "Afghan", she always referred to them as Baloch, thus recognized their separate national identity. Viability of Baloch National state The strategic importance of Balochistan has had, and still has, a positive and negative effect on Baloch movement for national right of self-determination. Because of its strategic location in the Perso-Oman Gulf, with a 700 miles long seacoast, the area has been important to the trade of the West since the rise of imperialism. Its strategic importance provides an opportunity to the Baloch to deal with the big or superpowers in order to liberate the country. In 1944, general Money wrote in a secret memorandum that Balochistan could be a viable state its natural and agricultural bourses were developed. After the force accession of Balochistan in to Pakistan, the Pakistan government planned to develop and exploit its recourses and settle the Indian Muslim refugees. In 1952 Maneck B. Pathawalla, Honorary Technical Advisor of the Pakistan Ministry of economic Affairs, published a monograph based on the materials secured from the government agencies discussing the potentialities of Balochistan. 1. Of all the provinces of Pakistan, Balochistan have the highest potential of mineral deposits, including chromites, coal, and petroleum. Water is secured together with suitable means of ore - dressing, etc. It can play its part extremely well also in the industrial development of Pakistan. 2. Its long coastline affords very rich fishing grounds and would repay the coast of its development, if again fresh water can be made available to the native population of Las Bela and Makuran, who are direct decedents of the ancient class of fishermen, called Ikhthyopagoi, by the Greek historians. 3. Balochistan is the only province in Pakistan that can claim a certain number of potential hill-stations and health-resorts. An enormous tourists trade is likely to follow an extension of its lines of communication and particularly its airfields. 4. Its population is very thin and its area is very extensive, thereby giving an immense scope for re settlement and stabilization of the population, particularly the refugees, in this lowest-density zone of Pakistan. Conclusion: In Pakistan the leaders of oppressed nationalities and provinces are once again demanding a share in political power in the form of provincial and regional autonomy. They maintained that the interest of the country should be kept in the mind and all the nationalities given the right to practice their own culture, language and traditions in their provinces. Presently the ruling Punjabi elite of Pakistan is not only morally or diplomatically but physically and financially supporting the right of self-determination movement of Kashmir’s, and trying to convince the world on the said issue. But its shame full that with in the state structure of Pakistan the ruling Punjabi mafia is not ready to listen the question of nationalities and their demand for provincial and regional autonomy. Meanwhile, more and more ethnic and religious minorities in Pakistan have begun to ask themselves whether a united Pakistan with the Punjabis at the helm of affairs is viable today. This is perhaps the biggest political challenge Pakistan's elite have come up against in recent times. How they react to it will determine the course of history in the Subcontinent. In South Asia territorial conflicts, ethnical prejudices, religious extremism and growing enmities urges that South Asia must be divided in to several nation states. By doing so then it would be possible that world may see a reliable peace and stability in the region. The solution to bringing peace in the region, getting rid of unreliable nuclear state of Pakistan, and bringing the rouge Iran to its knees the international community and civilized societies of the world must help the Baloch nation to establish and form independent Balochistan in the middle of South and Central Asia and Gulf. 


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